Dawn Editorials (with Summary and Vocabulary)

DAWN EDITORIALS

January 15, 2024 (Monday)

Day’s Vocabulary

• Tantrums. an uncontrolled outburst of anger and frustration, typically in a young child
• Prenatal.    before birth; during or relating to pregnancy
• Propensity.           an inclination or natural tendency to behave in a particular way
• Looms.        appear as a vague or shadowy form, especially one that is large or threatening
• Devolution.           the transfer or delegation of power to a lower level, especially by central government to local or regional administration
• Hobbled.     walk in an awkward way, typically because of pain from an injury
• Conservatism.     commitment to traditional values and ideas with opposition to change or innovation
• Wield.          hold and use (a weapon or tool)
• Chasm.        a deep fissure in the earth, rock, or another surface
• Expediency.          the quality of being convenient and practical despite possibly being improper or immoral; convenience
• Predicament.       a difficult, unpleasant, or embarrassing situation
• Elicited.      evoke or draw out (a response, answer, or fact) from someone in reaction to one's own actions or questions
• Audacious. showing a willingness to take surprisingly bold risks
• Avail.            help or benefit
• Parleys.       a conference between opposing sides in a dispute, especially a discussion of terms for an armistice
• Desist.         cease; abstain
• Affinity.      a spontaneous or natural liking or sympathy for someone or something
• Dalliance.  a casual romantic or sexual relationship
• Kindred.     one's family and relations
• Demonise. portray as wicked and threatening
• Cosied.        give (someone) a feeling of comfort or complacency
• Totalitarian.        relating to a system of government that is centralized and dictatorial and requires complete subservience to the state
• Incarceration.     the state of being confined in prison; imprisonment

Autism care

Summary

• Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized by social communication challenges and repetitive behaviors.
• Pakistan faces significant challenges in diagnosing and caring for people with ASD due to a lack of awareness and resources.
• Early diagnosis and intervention are crucial for people with ASD to reach their full potential.
• Effective impulse management is key for people with ASD, as impulsivity can significantly affect their daily lives and safety.
• A recent study found that 23% of adults with ASD have faced legal issues, often associated with coexisting conditions like substance abuse.
• The study also found that men with high-functioning ASD are more likely to exhibit hypersexual behavior, while women with ASD tend to have better social adaptation.
• There is a need for more research on the connections between ASD and psychopathy.
• Pakistan needs to establish forensic psychiatry and bolster child psychiatry services to address the needs of people with ASD.

Article

A mother, visibly upset, sought my advice regarding her son’s teachers recommending his enrolment in a Special Education School. The school did not provide a formal assessment report, yet they cited his difficulties with math, limited eye contact, social communication challenges, and sporadic behavioural issues, such as tantrums, as reasons.

I suggested she request an official evaluation from the school, which, unfortunately, was not provided. In my experience as a psychiatrist in Pakistan, the absence of detailed school assessments is a recurring problem. In the last three years alone, I have diagnosed 329 cases of autism, and not one was accompanied by a detailed referral or report from their educational institution.

Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), initially identified by Leo Kanner in 1943, features social communication challenges and repetitive behaviours. Common symptoms include delayed speech, limited interest in peers, avoidance of eye contact, selective responsiveness, and repetitive activities like hand-flapping. These traits typically surface by age three, with a higher prevalence in males. Diagnosis relies on clinical observations, and results from a combination of genetic, environmental, and prenatal factors. In countries like Pakistan, where ASD is underreported, a lack of awareness and resources hinders care.

In Pakistan, tackling mental health issues presents significant challenges. Despite some progress in healthcare, these areas are largely overlooked, with child mental health not receiving dedicated budgetary support. The country allocates only about three per cent of its national budget to health, limiting psychiatric services to departments in teaching hospitals and private clinics. Of the approximately 550 psychiatrists in Pakistan, only a small number specialise in child psychiatry.

Lack of awareness of mental health issues hinders care.

In Pakistan, the Autism Society’s estimate exceeds 350,000 children living with ASD, and this number keeps growing. Diagnosis relies on behaviour-based clinical assessments. There is a notable lack of understanding among healthcare professionals, leading to ineffective management. Despite a prevalence of approximately 0.9 per 1,000 in the developing world, with many cases in rural areas, Pakistan struggles with a significant awareness gap among both the public and medical experts. This gap results in delayed diagnoses, hindering the well-being of children with ASD.

Effective impulse management is key for those with ASD. Innovators with ASD, like Hassan bin Rizwan of Pakistan with his educational tech company Muse, and India’s artist Sourav Sarkar, use their unique perspectives to excel. Advocate Nidhi Goyal, also from India, champions disability rights with a focus on autism. Icons including Temple Grandin, Albert Einstein, Sir Isaac Newton, and Elon Musk — all associated with ASD — highlight the importance of early intervention in unlocking extraordinary potential.

People with ASD may show increased impulsivity, often due to challenges in sensory processing and executive functioning. This can significantly affect daily life and safety. For those with ASD, impulsive behaviours and emotions can be harder to control. Impulse control issues are caused by impaired executive functions, vital for planning, organisation, problem-solving, and behaviour inhibition.

A 17-year study tracking 1,570 adults with ASD found that 23pc faced legal issues, often associated with coexisting conditions like substance abuse, primarily among 30-year-old men. The resear­­ch identified three distinct ASD subgroups, underscoring the necessity for tailored interventions. The study also noted that men with high-functioning ASD exhibited a higher propensity for hypersexual behaviour compared to women with ASD, who displayed better social adaptation. Observations of psychopathic traits in serial killers prompt investigations into connections with high-functioning autism, calling for in-depth forensic psychiatric assessments. Traits of psychopathy — empathy deficits, callousness, paraphilia — and those of autism — social retreat, behavioural issues, obsessionality — highlight developmental trajectory risks.

Effective early management of autism can steer a child towards creativity, while mismanagement may lead to psychopathy, crime, and substance issues. This emphasises the urgent need to establish forensic psychiatry in Pakistan as directed by the Supreme Court in the Safia Bano Case (PLD 2021) and to bolster child psychiatry to address these critical concerns.

Empowering local governance

Summary

• Local governments in Pakistan are hindered by a lack of autonomy, resources, and institutional capacity.
• Despite constitutional provisions for devolution, provincial governments often retain excessive control over local affairs.
• The National Finance Commission (NFC) Award and the 18th Amendment devolved significant financial and administrative responsibilities to local governments, but implementation has been uneven.
• Local Government Acts vary across provinces, but all share the common flaw of inadequate devolution.
• Political parties' manifestos for the upcoming elections offer inconsistent approaches to local governance.
• Empowering local governments requires a comprehensive vision, including legislative reforms, capacity building, financial independence, and citizen participation.
• Local governments have the potential to be catalysts for progress in areas such as environmental sustainability, social development, and disaster risk management.
• The upcoming elections present a critical opportunity for Pakistan to embrace a transformative vision for local governance.

Article

As the promise of elections looms, manifestos take centre stage, promising reform and progress. In our volatile context, empowering local governments is a crucial, yet often overlooked pathway towards a more responsive and resilient democracy.

Despite constitutional provisions for devolution, Pakistan’s local governance system remains hobbled by a plethora of challenges. Over-centra­lisation, inadequate financial resources, weak institutional capacities and limited citizen parti­­cipation have plagued this tier of government. Though varying in detail, existing Local Gov­ernment Acts share the common flaw of inadequate devolution and excessive provincial control.

As general elections approach, parties are driven by political considerations, which shape their approaches to local governance. A review of some manifestos reveals inconsistent approaches to local governance. The PML-N, while promising devolution and financial autonomy, focuses on party-aligned initiatives. The PTI manifesto touches upon citizen participation and local development but lacks concrete mechanisms for implementation. The PPP emphasises that rural development aligns with local governance potential, but the required details remain vague. The PML-Q focuses on administrative reforms and overlooks the need for structural changes like fiscal devolution. The ANP manifesto primarily addresses Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s specific needs but merely offers insights into a broader vision for local governance. The JUI focuses on religious values and social conservatism but doesn’t adequately address the systemic issues hindering local governments. The MQM’s urban-centric approach highlights the need for tailored solutions for diverse local contexts but lacks comprehensiveness.

The pathway to democratic empowerment is linked to genuine empowerment of local governments. This demands action on multiple fronts, particularly on the legislative side. There is a dire need for a constitutional amendment to dedicate a chapter to local government, outlining its autonomy, functions, and financial resources. Another important factor is an independent election commission. Establishing an independent body to oversee local elections, prevent manipulation, and ensure transparency is crucial and pivotal for the empowerment and strengthening of local governments. Grants also need to be tied to service delivery indicators. Most experts may not be of this opinion, but by extending RTI laws to local governments, transparency and citizen oversight can be ensured.

The elections offer parties a chance to adopt a transformative vision for local governance.

The policy landscape presents a curious paradox. On one hand, the National Finance Commis­sion (NFC) Award and the 18th Amendment stand as cornerstones of devolution, transferring significant financial and administrative responsibilities to local governments. The NFC Award, in particular, mandates a minimum of 57.5 per cent of divisible federal resources to be distributed among the provinces, with a further 10pc earmarked for local governments. The 18th Amendment, for its part, devolved 26 subjects, including education, health, and sanitation, to local bodies.

Despite these seemingly progressive frameworks, the ground reality paints a different picture. Local governments remain shackled by a lack of autonomy, resource constraints, and weak institutional capacities. Provincial governments often wield the power of veto, undermining the democratic spirit of elected local councils. This disconnects policy intent and implementation, resulting in a chasm between the needs of the people and the services delivered.

While the NFC Award and 18th Amendment provided a necessary framework for empowering local governments, they are not a panacea. The devil, as they say, lies in the details. The allocation of resources often falls short of the promised 10pc, with provincial governments diverting funds for their priorities. Additionally, the devolution of responsibilities has not been matched by a commensurate transfer of financial resources and capacity-building initiatives. This has left local governments grappling with limited budgets and a shortage of skilled personnel.

The Local Government Acts at the provincial level are very different. The Punjab Local Government Act 2013, though progressive in decentralising service delivery, still grants excessive powers to the provincial government. The Balochistan Local Government Act 2012 falls short of financial devolution and citizen participation, hindering effective local governance in this resource-rich province. The Sindh Local Government Act 2013, similar to Punjab’s act, needs further amendments to strengthen local autonomy and accountability. The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Local Government Act 2019 commits to/ensures the promotion of citizen participation and local development but requires greater financial autonomy.

Local government representatives can be more than just service providers. They can become catalysts for progress in diverse areas such as ESG (Environmental, Social, and Governance), Corporate Social Responsibility, and Disaster Risk Management. Local governments can promote environmental sustainability through waste management, renewable energy projects, and green infrastructure development. Additionally, they can champion social causes like women’s empowerment, youth development, and minority inclusion. Local governments can foster partnerships with businesses and civil society organisations to address pressing issues like poverty, illiteracy, and healthcare access. This can create a collaborative ecosystem for social good and shared responsibility. Local governments can also be pivotal in disaster preparedness and response, leading community-based initiatives for early warning systems, evacuation plans, and post-disaster rebuilding efforts.

Pakistan’s political manifestos must transcend rhetoric and translate into genuine commitment to local government empowerment. A comprehensive vision is needed, encompassing legislative reforms, capacity building, financial independence, and citizen participation. Only then can local governments become the engines of development, democracy, and social justice Pakistan desperately needs. The upcoming elections present a critical opportunity for parties to break free from political expediency and embrace a transformative vision for local governance. The future of Pakistan’s democracy hangs in the balance.

Pakistan’s Afghan predicament

Summary

• Tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan are rising due to the TTP, an Afghan-based terrorist group that has been attacking Pakistan.
• Pakistan hoped the Taliban's takeover in 2021 would help secure its western border, but the TTP has instead become more active.
• Pakistan has repeatedly warned the Taliban about the consequences of TTP attacks, but the Taliban have not taken meaningful action.
• Pakistan is frustrated with the Taliban's inaction and has adopted a tougher policy.
• Pakistan has rejected talks with the TTP and has taken steps to pressure the Taliban, such as deporting Afghan refugees and restricting trade.
• Recent talks between the two sides have not yielded any progress on the TTP issue.
• Pakistan is running out of patience and is considering its options if the Taliban continue to refuse to act against the TTP.
• It is unclear what Pakistan can do to compel the Taliban to act, as it does not want to risk a rupture in relations.

Article

While engagement continues between Pakistani officials and Taliban authorities the core issue at the heart of tensions between the two countries is nowhere near resolution.

Over the past year, relations have become increasingly strained as Pakistan’s security concerns about the outlawed Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), based in Afgha­nistan, have not elicited a meaningful response from Kabul. Pakistan’s repeated public warnings to the Taliban about the consequences of TTP’s cross-border attacks seemed to have little effect.

When the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, Islamabad hoped this would help Pakistan secure its western border. But this expectation was not met. Instead, there was a marked escalation in border tensions and terrorist attacks targeting Pakistan’s security forces. Successive reports by the UN Security Council’s Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team found the “TTP benefitted the most of all the foreign extremist groups in Afghanistan from the Taliban takeover”.

Pakistan’s own assessment, contained in a leaked defence ministry report last May, was similar. The report said that Kabul’s unwillingness to act against the TTP and its regrouping in Afghanistan after the Taliban’s assumption of power posed a growing threat to Pakistan’s security.

Meanwhile statements by the military voiced serious concerns about “the safe havens and liberty of action available to the TTP in Afghan­istan”. In July, Army Chief General Asim Munir warned of an “effective response” by the country’s security forces if attacks continued from Afghanistan. Other Pakistani officials asked Kabul to choose between the TTP and Pakistan.

The surge in terrorist activities in 2023 led to a significant rise in the casualties of security personnel, which hit an eight-year high. This left Islamabad increasingly frustrated. Attacks by TTP became more audacious after the collapse of its ceasefire with the government in November 2022. The short-lived ceasefire was itself a misguided and futile attempt by the Pakistani authorities to end the armed group’s 14-year war on Pakistan.

A wave of violence followed. In one of the worst incidents of terrorism, the TTP attacked a mosque in Peshawar’s police lines in January 2023, which claimed nearly a hundred lives and shook the country. Then too dire warnings were issued by Pakistani officials to the Taliban authorities. But to little avail.

Several rounds of talks and multiple interactions with Taliban officials last year produced no outcome. In these talks Taliban leaders offered assurances about restraining the TTP but asked for time to accomplish this. They also argued that containing TTP was a question of their capacity and not commitment. But Islamabad’s patience was beginning to wear thin.

The core issue at the heart of tensions between the two countries is still unresolved.

A high-level delegation was dispatched to Kabul in February 2023 to convey Pakistan’s red line on terror attacks from Afghan soil and secure a firm commitment from Kabul to rein in TTP and deny it the sanctuary its fighters enjoy there. In these parleys Taliban leaders apparently asked for financial help, ostensibly to disarm and resettle TTP fighters, estimated to be around 5,000, away from the border with Pakistan.

All this amounted to nothing especially as this was accompanied by Taliban leaders’ ‘advice’ that Pakistan should revive negotiations with the TTP. This in fact proved to be a turning point urging Islamabad to rethink its Afghan policy.

Against this backdrop Pakistani authorities began to shift course and adopted a tougher policy towards Kabul. Any talks with TTP were firmly rejected. A number of actions followed, designed to mount pressure on the Taliban leadership and raise the costs of its non-cooperation on TTP.

They included the decision to deport tens of thousands of undocumented Afghans from the country and substantial change in regulations governing transit trade by imposition of a ban on many import items from Pakistan (which led to thousands of stranded containers that were prevented from going to Afghanistan.) Islamabad also intensified public criticism of Kabul, accusing it of harbouring Pakistan’s enemies. All this showed that Islamabad was prepared to deploy several levers to pressure the Taliban.

In response, Kabul indicated its keenness to mend ties with Islamabad while urging it to decouple trade from terrorism and desist from forcing it to take actions under pressure. The recent visit of an Afghan delegation to Pakistan marked an effort to reengage on issues of priority for both sides at a time when a regular meeting of the joint coordination committee was also due.

Led by Kandahar Governor Mullah Sherin Akhund, reputed to be a close confidante of Taliban supreme leader Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the delegation was deemed as a serious effort to defuse tensions. The Afghan delegation’s ‘asks’ included the release of containers among other trade issues and a slowing down of the repatriation process for the winter months. The Pakistani side made it clear that movement on the core issue of TTP was essential to address other issues and that patience on that count had already run out.

From accounts of the exchanges on TTP it did not appear any progress was made on this issue. As in the past, the Afghan side asked for more time to deal with TTP citing winter as an impediment this time. It also said it would shift TTP members away from the border but that too would start some months from now.

In playing for time and not setting out any plan of action to deal with TTP, this again raised the question of the Taliban’s seriousness. That Mullah Sherin offered to take Pakistan’s message back to the Taliban chief was about the only outcome from the parleys on TTP. Pakistani officials see this as a test in coming months of the top Taliban leadership’s intentions. They say the jury is out on whether it will change course and address the issue. But then the jury has been out for quite some time.

The key question is what are Pakistan’s options if the Taliban show continued unwillingness to act against the TTP. There are no easy answers as there are limits to the leverage Pakistan can use in a coercive approach without risking a rupture in relations, which it would want to avoid.

Southern promises

Summary

• South Africa took Israel to court for genocide against Palestinians, despite having no ethnic, cultural, or religious ties to Palestine.
• This is due to a shared history of brutalization by white supremacist settler regimes that pride themselves on apartheid and bloody repression.
• Israel and apartheid South Africa had a close alliance, beginning in 1948.
• They learned from and supported each other in repressing their respective native populations.
• Israel provided anti-riot vehicles, weapons, and training to South Africa's forces.
• Israel helped South Africa develop a nuclear program.
• Israel and the US demonized Nelson Mandela and the ANC for their support of Palestine.
• The Israeli lobby condemned the ANC as "totalitarian, anti-humane, anti-democratic, anti-Israel, and anti-American."
• The CIA likely played a role in Mandela's 27-year imprisonment.
• South Africa's support for Palestine is rooted in a shared history of struggle against oppression and injustice.

Article

Why South Africa? Of all the 195 countries that make up this world, why was it this nation that took Israel to court for its genocide of the Palestinian people?

Unlike the Muslim and Arab countries, South Africa has no real ethnic, cultural or religious affinity with Palestine and — unlike the Arab states — is located over 7,000km from Gaza. Why then did South Africa take on the Zionist state when those much closer — in all senses — to Palestine have chosen to remain silent spectators to mass murder?

The answer lies in history and in the shared experience of brutalisation by a white supremacist settler regime that prides itself on apartheid and bloody repression. Israel was created in 1948, the same year that the apartheid regime came into force in South Africa.

This coincidence aside, both states soon recognised that their status as white settler colonies established at the expense of local populations made them brothers in arms. This unholy dalliance officially began in 1953 when Daniel Malan, the prime minister of apartheid South Africa, conducted an official tour of Israel, which marked the beginning of a very close alliance.

In years to come, the alliance grew stronger with both apartheid nations learning from and supporting each other in repressing their respective native populations. Palestinian population centres were cut off from each other in much the same way as South Africa created ‘Bantustans’, powerless black African statelets meant to ensure the exclusion of blacks from the South African political system.

The similarity was acknowledged and celebrated at the highest levels, with South African PM Hendrick Verwoerd, known as the architect of the Bantustan project, himself saying “The Jews took Israel from the Arabs after the Arabs had lived there for a thousand years. Israel, like South Africa, is an apartheid state.”

And while Israel would loudly condemn apartheid on international forums the reality was that it considered South Africa a kindred nation, with Israeli general Rafael Eitan saying that South African blacks “want to gain control over the white minority just like the Arabs here want to gain control over us… And we, like the white minority in South Africa, must act to prevent them from taking over.”

Keeping these populations in check was also a shared priority and Israel would provide anti-riot vehicles, weapons and training for the forces of white South Africa; in the ‘80s hundreds of Israeli military advisors were stationed in South Africa while Pretoria’s troops were training in Israel.

The Israeli lobby spared no effort to demonise Mandela.

Israel also helped their ideological cousins develop a nuclear programme, with Pretoria finishing at least six nuclear bombs, all of which were later dismantled when South African president F.W. De Klerk abandoned the nuclear programme in an effort to rehabilitate South Africa’s global image.

Speaking of image, Israel often ran interference for South Africa in an effort to insulate their ally from foreign pressure, setting up a ‘Joint Secretariat for Political and Psychological Warfare’ in 1975 to conduct “propaganda and psychological warfare,” as part of a well-funded bilateral campaign to rehabilitate South Africa’s international image.

But every action has a reaction, and as Israel cosied up to apartheid South Africa, the Palestine Liberation Organisation deepened its ties with Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress.

Just as South Africa’s white supremacist PM was one of the first major heads of state to visit Israel, one of the first leaders Mandela met on his release from jail in 1990 was none other than Yasser Arafat, who also asked Mandela’s advice prior to the Oslo Accords. Mandela him­self remained a lifelong supporter of the Palestinian cause and famously remar­ked that “Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Pales­tinians.”

It was no em­­pty slogan; throughout his life, Mandela repeatedly referred to the moral and material support, help and solidarity that the PLO, and the Palestinian populations, historically extended to the freedom struggle of black South Africans.

As a result, the powerful Israeli lobby sp­­a­­red no effort when it came to demonising Mandela and the ANC, with the Israeli-ba­c­k­­ed Anti-Defamation League condemning the ANC as “totalitarian, anti-humane, anti-democratic, anti-Israel and anti-American.”

Israel’s greatest ally and partner in crime, the US, played a malign role as well, with strong evidence indicating that the CIA played a part in tracking Mandela’s movements and leaking that information to the apartheid regime, leading to his 27-year-long incarceration. Mandela himself remained on the USA’s terrorist watchlist till 2008.

Today, we see history come full circle, with the sons and daughters of those who struggled against oppression and injustice in South Africa seeking to free their Palestinian brothers and sisters from the shackles of a murderous regime.