Dawn Editorials (with Summary and Vocabulary)

DAWN EDITORIALS

January 24, 2024 (Wednesday)

Day’s Vocabulary

  • vying.           compete eagerly with someone in order to do or achieve something
  • Lamenting.           mourn (a person's loss or death)
  • Illusory.      based on illusion; not real
  • Dire.  (of a situation or event) extremely serious or urgent
  • Polemics.   a speech or piece of writing expressing a strongly critical attack on or controversial opinion about someone or something
  • Tame.           not exciting, adventurous, or controversial
  • Culled.         select from a large quantity; obtain from a variety of sources
  • Tatters.       irregularly torn pieces of cloth, paper, or other material
  • Idiosyncrasies.    a mode of behavior or way of thought peculiar to an individual
  • Convoluted.          (especially of an argument, story, or sentence) extremely complex and difficult to follow
  • Scepticism.           a skeptical attitude; doubt as to the truth of something
  • Congested. (of a road or place) so crowded with traffic or people as to hinder freedom of movement
  • Accrue.        (of sums of money or benefits) be received by someone in regular or increasing amounts over time
  • Consortium.         an association, typically of several business companies
  • Fester.          (of a wound or sore) become septic; suppurate
  • Riven.          split or tear apart violently
  • Fetid.            smelling extremely unpleasant
  • Rampant.   (especially of something unwelcome or unpleasant) flourishing or spreading unchecked
  • Capsized.    (of a boat) overturn in the water
  • Consensual.          relating to or involving consent or consensus
  • Stipulate.   demand or specify (a requirement), typically as part of a bargain or agreement
  • Seamless.   (of a fabric or surface) smooth and without seams or obvious joins
  • Shirk.           avoid or neglect (a duty or responsibility)
  • Octogenarian.      a person who is from 80 to 89 years old
  • Visage.         a person's face, with reference to the form or proportions of the features
  • Contorted. twisted or bent out of the normal shape
  • Grimace.     an ugly, twisted expression on a person's face, typically expressing disgust, pain, or wry amusement
  • Spout.          express (one's views or ideas) in a lengthy, declamatory, and unreflecting way
  • Largesse.    generosity in bestowing money or gifts upon others
  • Mealy-mouthed.            afraid to speak frankly or straightforwardly.
  • Acolytes.     a person assisting the celebrant in a religious service or procession.
  • Whiff.           a smell that is only smelled briefly or faintly
  • Stoush.        a brawl or other fight
  • Reprobates.          an unprincipled person (often used humorously or affectionately)

New power game and polls

Summary

  • Nawaz Sharif, vying for a fourth term, is campaigning with a victimhood narrative, stuck in past grievances.
    • Lack of focus on current challenges and absence of a clear election manifesto.
  • The electoral battle appears one-sided, lacking fair play, raising concerns about the democratic process.
  • Imran Khan's party, PTI, faces severe setbacks with leaders behind bars and the loss of its election symbol.
    • Despite repression, PTI maintains strong support, especially among the youth, challenging the security establishment.
  • Growing rejection of dynastic politics boosts Imran Khan's support base, fueled by anti-establishment sentiments.
  • PML-N, led by Nawaz Sharif, faces damage due to perceptions of military backing and lack of party renewal.
    • Swift dropping of Sharif's conviction raises suspicions and softens his stance against the military.
  • Returning to power through tainted elections and establishment support may hinder political stability for Sharif.

Article

Listening to the speeches at the hustings, one wonders whether the political leaders vying for power have anything new to offer the electorate. With less than three weeks left to the polls, and ostensibly assured of a fourth term as prime minister in an election widely perceived as ‘managed’, Nawaz Sharif is finally out on the campaign trail — with a victimhood narrative. He seems to be stuck in a time warp, lamenting his past ouster from power.

Sharif’s public speeches are all about the illusory golden period under his rule. There seems to be hardly any understanding about the dire challenges that lie ahead. An element of confidence appears to stem from the forced sidelining of his main competitor. The electoral battle is deemed to have already been won without a fight. Hence there seems to be no need for the PML-N leadership to present an election manifesto or a concrete plan of action for the future. Populist rhetoric and personalised polemics continue to mark a listless election campaign. It’s all about wheeling and dealing under the shadow of the powers that be, rendering the entire electoral exercise a virtual selection process. There is not even a semblance of fair play, with the odds heavily in favour of the chosen ones.

With one of the largest political parties having been virtually demolished, the coming elections have become a tame affair. This is certainly not a very reassuring prospect for a troubled nation looking for a change in status quo and the strengthening of the democratic process. It marks a great leap backward. The hope of a democratic transition has been all but dashed. What we are witnessing is the new season of the game of thrones, with the roles reversed.

There is an ironic twist in the events prior to the 2018 elections and what is happening in the run-up to the 2024 polls. In the former case, it was Nawaz Sharif who was imprisoned and barred from standing in the elections after being ousted from power and Imran Khan was the new kid on the block favoured by the establishment. The former cricket captain, who had earlier led Pakistan to victory in the World Cup, was projected as the new hope for the country and was propelled to the top political office. But the protégé turned into the villain and had to be politically culled. So, a deal was struck with the erstwhile rival and the rapprochement allowed Nawaz Sharif to return from self-exile. His conviction was dropped by the courts in record time. The apex court’s ruling striking down lifetime disqualification has cleared the way for him to run for elections.

The electoral battle is deemed to have already been won without a fight.

It is the third time that Nawaz Sharif has been lifted out of disgrace to become the main contender for the coveted office. Meanwhile, it is the former blue-eyed boy of the security establishment who now finds himself behind bars, implicated in multiple cases on a range of charges. Not only him but many other top leaders of his party, too, are barred from contesting the elections.

Khan’s party was dealt its most serious blow when the Supreme Court upheld the decision of the Election Commission of Pakistan to strip the PTI of its election symbol — the cricket bat. That has left party candidates with no common symbol. They will stand in the elections as independents. The retribution of the establishment has been severe, leaving the party in tatters.

It may not be the first time we are witnessing repressive action by the state against a political party but the severity of the crackdown on the PTI is unprecedented. Yet the party refuses to die. It is evident from opinion polls that repression and dismantling of its structure have not diminished its support base. Behind bars, the former prime minister remains the most potent political force.

Given the volatility of the situation, it will still be hard for the security establishment to fully manipulate the outcome. Imran Khan, with his undiminished popularity, has proved to be a most formidable challenge for the powerful security establishment. Notwithstanding his idiosyncrasies and convoluted political views, he has become a symbol of resistance. His popularity may be much higher among the youth who comprise the majority of voters, but he also commands strong support among the elite.

He may have a cultish following but it is the growing rejection of dynastic politics that seems to have boosted Imran Khan’s support base. His slogan for change, though it doesn’t go beyond rhetoric, has galvanised the young generation and educated sections of society.

More importantly, growing anti-establishment sentiments have given impetus to the PTI. Not surprisingly, the ongoing repression and the military’s looming shadow over politics has pushed even staunch critics to stand up in PTI’s support. As a survey in this paper’s online edition indicates, a large number of people will vote despite their scepticism for the electoral process.

Meanwhile, the PML-N and other mainstream political parties have failed to alter their ways in a fast-changing sociopolitical environment. In fact, dynastic politics have strengthened in the PML-N, with the party leadership being fully dominated by members of the Sharif family. There is no induction of outside or young blood in the ranks of the party leadership.

What has been most damaging for the party is the growing perception of it being backed by the military establishment. This view has gained further currency, with the swift dropping of Nawaz Sharif’s conviction and his eligibility to stand in the elections. His tenor has also softened against the generals whom he had earlier blamed for his ouster.

Once the victim, the PML-N leadership seems to have now become the main partner in the game plan of the powers that be. It may help Nawaz Sharif fulfil his ambition of becoming prime minister for the fourth time. But returning to power through tainted elections and with the backing of the establishment can never confer political stability. And who should know this better than Nawaz Sharif himself?

Transforming slums

Summary

  • Dharavi, a large slum in Mumbai, is being redeveloped by the Adani Group.
  • The residents are unhappy with the redevelopment plan for several reasons, including:
    • They are not guaranteed new housing after the redevelopment.
    • The new apartments are too small.
    • They will be displaced during the construction and lose their livelihoods.
  • The redevelopment project is also facing criticism from activists who say it will benefit the builders more than the residents.
  • The project highlights the challenges of redeveloping slums without displacing residents and preserving their livelihoods.

Article

It is the slum that earned Hollywood millions of dollars. Dharavi, the slum pictured in the 2008 blockbuster movie Slumdog Millionaire, is estimated to be just around 2.8 square kilometres; but is said to house up to a million residents. They include some of Mumbai’s poorest as well as most resourceful people, whose work and school and home can all be found within the boundaries of the congested slum. All the horror stories are true: rivers of trash and excrement run through the slum and people inhabit the tiniest spaces imaginable.

However, Dharavi is located in the heart of Mumbai and for this reason the state government of Maharashtra has been trying to redevelop the area. There are tons of other incentives of course — including the prospect of kickback revenue that could accrue to government officials who push through the plans. In 2018, the government issued a tender proposing an 80 per cent private-20pc public partnership for the purpose of redeveloping Dharavi. This tender was won by a Dubai-based consortium named SecLink that outbid India’s own Adani Group.

Inexplicably, a couple of years later, the government of Maharashtra cancelled the tender, saying that property values had altered to such an extent that previous plans would not be suitable. A new tender was issued in 2022 that was won expectedly by the Adani Group, which is now in charge of redeveloping the slum and transforming what is currently a refuse and shanty town into a “city hub” where residents are to get regular housing in a proper planned community.

The challenge is to get the residents to agree to the proposed programme. One of the problems is that the Adani Group and state government only want to give residential dwellings to residents of the slum who can provide paperwork about their right to live where they do. A large number cannot do so. The second issue is the kind of apartments that will be made available to the residents and where they will live during the time that Dharavi is being redeveloped. The Adani Group is currently promising dwellings that are 39 square yards. Most of the groups representing the residents are asking for dwellings that are at least 55 square yards.

Dharavi, in the heart of Mumbai, reflects the challenge of ‘redeveloping’ shanty towns.

With most of India preoccupied with the inauguration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya, the issue of this slum, which provides a place to live and work for a million people, continues to fester. Last month, the Shiv Sena, along with other political parties, held a march against the proposed redevelopment. The group vowed further action in its protest against the plans drawn up to redevelop the slum. It sees the project as more favourable to the builders than the people who live in the slum. According to critics, even though the land is public land owned by the government, the project is likely to make money for the builders. Other potential problems that have been pointed out include uncertainty during the redevelopment period, during which many residents will lose access to the place they have been living, in some cases, for years.

One such problem also came up when slum areas of Quezon City near Manila were being redeveloped. The problem there was that the temporary housing for the residents was too far from Manila city. This meant that many people who lived in the slum were suddenly far away from their places of work and therefore from sources of income. These issues became even more problematic as the timeline for redevelopment gets longer as it usually does where construction projects are concerned. In these situations, residents are often forced to look for housing in other slums because they need to be close to sources of income.

Much of the revenue in Dharavi comes from the small businesses within it; they include everything from leather tanneries to small manufacturers who make everything from plastic suitcases to glass bangles. All of these businesses incur additional costs if they are moved to locations that have been chosen by the builders to minimise their own costs during the project. It is not simply a matter of moving people out, cleaning up a slum that has existed since the 1800s, and then moving people back into an environment where everything has changed.

As is well known, some of Pakistan’s largest slums, such as Lyari and Orangi, are riven with land mafias and slumlords who extract money from the poor people that live in these areas on the pretext of providing “protection” to them. It is undoubted that such extortionists prey on the poor of Dharavi as well. One wonders how the government there plans to deal with these forces. At this point, it appears that a lot of state apparatus is being used to have the plan accepted. According to some reports, many ‘friendly’ policemen have recently been seen loitering around the slum suggesting to people that they should be in favour of the plan proposed by the Adani Group. So far, it does not appear that most have been persuaded even by this form of official pressure.

The redevelopment of slums is crucial to ensuring the health and hygiene of ordinary city dwellers. The tiny and suffocating dwellings often get very hot in many places during the summer, while fires have ravaged slums, the congested environment making it near impossible for firefighters to save people.

However, slums, poverty-stricken and fetid as they may be, are but a microcosm of the larger city. The new Dharavi which emerges from the redevelopment, will be nothing like what it is today; but, whatever emerges may not be to the residents’ liking and may not solve the problem. Many would calculate that the slum one knows is better than what will arise after the redevelopment phase.

Human smuggling

Summary

1. Scope of the Problem:

  • Over 1 million irregular migrants leave Pakistan annually, with 80,000-100,000 being Pakistanis.
  • Popular routes involve Balochistan-Iran-Turkiye or sea travel to Iran/Turkiye with onward movement to Europe.
  • Lack of awareness and sympathy exist due to the misconception of smuggling being consensual (unlike trafficking).

2. Push Factors for Migration:

  • Primary drivers are unemployment, poverty, insecurity, and traditional masculinity pressures.
  • Migrants seek better opportunities and perceive other countries as stepping stones to Europe.

3. Smuggling Networks and Costs:

  • Organized networks with sub-agents recruit, transport, and facilitate travel for migrants.
  • Costs vary depending on route, comfort level, attempts, and documentation (Rs.100,000-1,500,000).

4. Human Rights Violations:

  • Migrants are deceived, abused, beaten, robbed, and tortured by smugglers.
  • Law enforcement officials often turn a blind eye due to corruption, leaving migrants unprotected.
  • States through which migrants pass neglect their international humanitarian responsibilities.

5. Solutions:

  • Reframe narrative to view migrants as victims, not criminals.
  • Make anti-smuggling laws human rights-centric.
  • Address the root causes of migration by improving living conditions and opportunities within Pakistan.

Article

Though rampant, human smuggling in Pakistan remains poorly documented. Only when a tragedy occurs does the issue take centre stage. A nationwide crackdown was announced after a fishing boat carrying hundreds of Pakistani migrants capsized off the southern coast of Greece last June. Yet, interest in the issue and sympathy with the victims waned just as fast as it rose.

Lack of sympathy stems from lack of awareness, particularly of the human rights violations that take place during a migrant’s journey. Human smuggling is considered consensual, as opposed to human trafficking, which features coercive practices such as bonded labour and sexual exploitation. Here, we endeavour to explain the factors driving irregular migration, the annual number of migrants, popular routes, operations of smuggling networks, and the Federal Investigation Agency’s (FIA) role. We also identify human rights violations, and the reforms required to address them.

According to estimates, over one million irregular migrants cross international borders annually. In Pakistan, the figure varies between 80,000 to 100,000. Most migrants are from Punjab. Cities such as Gujrat, Gujranwala, Phalia, Mandi Bahauddin, Kharian, Jhelum, Mirpur, and Sialkot serve as major catchment areas. Due to its low cost and ease of movement, the Balochistan-Iran-Turkiye route, with onwards travel to Europe via the Mediterranean Sea, is the most popular. Other routes include sea travel from Gwadar to Iran through the Arabian Sea, and onwards to Turkiye and Europe. On the pricier side, there’s legal air travel from Karachi to Dubai, followed by irregular migration to Turkiye or Libya, and onwards to Italy or Greece.

Unemployment, lack of opportunity, poverty, and insecurity remain the primary drivers pushing people out. Pressures of traditional masculinity is another prominent push factor. Many young men leave to be able to earn more and support their families. It is established that factors driving irregular migration are not just absolute deprivation, but also relative deprivation. The sense that one would be better off in some other country serves as a pull factor. Migrants also leave because they see countries like Turkiye or Libya as stepping stones to Europe.

The migrants have been deceived and misinformed.

Smugglers operate on the basis of an organised network model. Each smuggling ring comprises a series of sub-networks; each sub-network consists of agents and sub-agents. The sub-networks are co-dependent. A typical smuggling network operates as follows: sub-agents in Gujrat recruit migrants, and bring them to the agent, who will stipulate the conditions of travel and the costs involved. The agent from Gujrat contacts an agent from Multan and shares the names of the migrants via a text message. All agents operate under an alias. The Multan agent receives the migrants at a designated spot and facilitates onwards movement to Quetta, from where they are sent to Iran, Turkiye, and Europe by other agents along the way. The operations remain seamless, with each agent responsible for the operations of the smuggling ring within their own territory.

The journey can cost anywhere from Rs100,000 to Rs1,500,000 per migrant depending on the terms of the deal, ie, mode of travel, comfort of travel (front seat or trunk of the car, below or above the deck on a ship, etc), number of attempts, and documentation.

The FIA is the law-enforcement agency tasked by law to crack down on smugglers and safeguard the rights of migrants. But it is seen as complicit in the entire process. Officials ignore the actions of smugglers in return for kickbacks. Considering the complexities involved, transnational operations of this magnitude would not be possible without the knowledge of the FIA. Corruption among law-enforcement officials is common to all countries where human smuggling rackets thrive. Smuggled Somalis, Ethiopians, and Kenyans, have all recounted witnessing public officials accepting bribes from smugglers.

Smugglers exploit desperate and vulnerable individuals. The migrants are misinformed and deceived about the dangers and actual costs involved. They are also abused, beaten, and robbed along the way. Those who are unable to pay are tortured. The houses in which they are kept along the way are overcrowded and unhygienic. Law-enforcement agencies do not protect them and the states through which they pass shirk their responsibilities, disregarding international humanitarian laws.

To address these rights violations, we must first reframe the narrative. Migrants must be treated as victims, and not in a manner that implies criminality. International and domestic anti-smuggling laws must be made human rights-centric. But most importantly, we must address the state’s failure to protect and provide for its citizens, compelling migrants to leave.

Genocidal collusion

Summary

  • Joe Biden's support for Israel, despite recent disagreements with the Israeli Prime Minister, is impacting his chances of re-election.
  • The US, despite appearing to advise restraint, continues to supply lethal weaponry to Israel, contributing to the situation in Gaza.
  • The liberal American intelligentsia sees a second Trump presidency as detrimental to the American empire.
  • The US reluctance to halt the Israeli project in Gaza is criticized, with calls for peace having little impact.
  • The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is intertwined with broader regional tensions involving Iran, Yemen, and other countries.
  • International forums are addressing the Gaza situation, with South Africa, Chile, and Mexico taking a stand, while Arab or Muslim states remain largely silent.
  • The article criticizes the blind refusal of perpetrators to recognize parallels between the Palestinian experience and the European Jews' plight in the 1930s-40s.

Article

Whether he’s trying to crack a joke or pretending to be serious, Joe Biden’s octogenarian visage is permanently contorted into a grimace. That may have something to do with all the lies he has felt obliged to spout since Oct 7; from the nonsense about having seen pictures of beheaded babies to the recent assurance that the Israeli prime minister does not reject every variant of a two-state solution.

Benjamin Netanyahu has clearly telegraphed the opposite, knowing full well that the deviation from the official narrative of his neo-fascist state’s Western supporters will not interrupt the steady supply of lethal weaponry and blood money. The US has lately sought to give the impression that it is advising restraint, but that alleged advice goes unheeded.

Biden has stood out as an unequivocal pro-Zionist since he entered the US Congress more than 50 years ago, and serving as an accessory to genocide won’t shift his dial. It’s equally clear that this stance is steadily diminishing his chances of re-election in November. Donald Trump, arguably an even bigger fan of Israel, holds a personal grudge against Netan­yahu. He may not get many votes from disenchanted Democrats, but his opponents may well opt for third-party candidates.

The liberal American intelligentsia deems a second Trump presidency to be detrimental to the prospects of the American empire. Since the Korean War in the 1950s and Vietnam in the next decade, the US has stood out as what Martin Luther King described as the paramount perpetrator of violence in the world.

The US is disinclined to halt the deadly Zionist project.

That verdict is reflected in Gaza, where the extermination campaign would be virtually impossible for Israel to continue without the steady supply of US weaponry and largesse. America could halt the genocide at a stroke. But neither the White House nor much of the Congress seems to have any interest in pushing for peace.

The mealy-mouthed rhetoric from the US and its acolytes about a two-state solution conveys a whiff of absurdity after decades of sponsoring Zionist designs on Palestinian territories. The ‘antisemitism’ slogan that greets any suggestion that anyone other than a Zionist is also a human being worthy of the same rights and protections is beginning to lose its sting.

This phenomenon stretches back decades, and it should have been laughed out of existence when the Israeli embassy and its devotees successfully strove to demolish the socialist leadership of the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn. His wretched successor, likely to be the next prime minister of Britain, hasn’t uttered a word that could conceivably be construed as critical of Israel.

The relentless destruction of Gaza and the mass murder of its inhabitants has expanded to the Red Sea and beyond. Biden says the attacks on Yemen will carry on, even though they aren’t deterring Houthi efforts to halt Israeli-aligned shipping in solidarity with Gaza. Iran, meanwhile, has lashed out militarily at targets in Iraq, Syria and Pakistan, ostensibly to demonstrate its challenged regional clout.

Disinclined to hold back, Israel has carried out assassinations against Hamas and Hezbollah targets in Lebanon, and murdered a bunch of Iranian Revolutionary Guard advisers in Damascus. Iran has vowed to retaliate against the outrage in Syria, but is disinclined to directly take on Israel or the US — there have been reports of back-channel contacts with the latter.

Hopefully, the de-escalation following the Balochistan stoush will avert future belligerence. Tehran purportedly attacked a ‘takfiri’ outfit that had claimed credit for terrorist activity in Iran; Islamabad hit back. But even a limited exchange of fire serves as an unfortunate distraction from the genocide unfolding in real time in the Gaza Strip, announ­ced in advance by the Israeli leadership and telegraphed by the victims, which is being resisted in international forums by South Africa, Chile and Mexico rather than any Arab or Muslim states.

Israel can be guaranteed to ignore any interim advice on a cessation of its brutality from the International Court of Justice, and it could take years for the ICJ to pronounce a verdict on Johannesburg’s charge.

There have been other genocides since the UN convention against them was established in 1948, the same year that Israel came into existence and apartheid was formalised in South Africa. But perhaps the worse aspect of the current outrage is the blind refusal of the perpetrators to recognise that, for more than 70 years, they have sought to recreate for the Palestinians, in superficially different ways, the experience of the European Jews in the 1930s-40; from the ubermensch mentality to lebensraum. The pattern of humanity’s reluctance to acknowledge remains rich in barely challenged reprobates.

 

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