Dawn Editorials (with Summary and Vocabulary)

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DAWN EDITORIALS

February 14, 2024 (Wednesday)

Day’s Vocabulary

  • Quo vadis.  Latin phrase meaning "Where are you?”
  • Gratifying. giving pleasure or satisfaction
  • Outlandish.           looking or sounding bizarre or unfamiliar
  • Nonpareil. having no match or equal; unrivalled
  • Exonerated.          (especially of an official body) absolve (someone) from blame for a fault or wrongdoing, especially after due consideration of the case
  • Volition.     the faculty or power of using one's will
  • Palpable.    (of a feeling or atmosphere) so intense as to seem almost tangible
  • Reviled.       criticize in an abusive or angrily insulting manner
  • Qualms.      an uneasy feeling of doubt, worry, or fear, especially about one's own conduct; a misgiving
  • Grotesque. comically or repulsively ugly or distorted
  • Gubernatorial.    relating to a state governor or the office of state governor

Quo vadis?

Summary

Election results:

  • Independents affiliated with PTI emerged as the dominant force in parliament, surprising expectations.
  • PTI claims the results were rigged, alleging manipulation in certain constituencies.
  • Unclear if PML-N's runner-up status is genuine or manipulated.

Future government:

  • No party has a clear majority, requiring a coalition government.
  • Possible scenarios include:
    • PDM 2.0 coalition led by an unclear figure, with or without PTI in opposition.
    • Hung parliament benefiting those who wield behind-the-scenes power.
  • Economic challenges remain a major concern, with no clear solutions proposed by any party.

External influences:

  • Foreign media portrays the results as a vote against the establishment, downplaying their past influence.
  • Claims of high voter turnout are unsubstantiated.
  • US influence is debated, with some attributing Khan's defeat to a US message favoring his removal.

Overall:

  • The future of Pakistan remains uncertain after an intriguing election with unclear results.
  • The next coalition government faces significant economic challenges and potential instability.
  • Skepticism is warranted despite some hope for a better future.

Article

THE initial reaction was shock as independents affiliated with the PTI emerged as the dominant force in the next parliament. It was, after all, widely presumed to be preordained that the PML-N would emerge as the clear winner on Feb 8. It clearly did not, which is gratifying. What is unclear is whether even the PML-N’s runner-up status is earned or manipulated. The PTI is challenging the results in several constituencies where the voting pattern is alleged to have been altered after polling day — and the delayed result anno­u­ncements appear to back that narrative.

On the other hand, the question arises whether the powers that be are as incompetent in rigging elections as they are in ensuring security, as demonstrated by the election eve attacks in Balochistan and KP.

Another possibility is selective manipulation, whereby particular seats were targeted to ensure the incarcerated PTI leader Imran Khan’s ‘independent’ acolytes fell substantially short of a simple majority, but won enough seats to facilitate plausible deniability about rigging while also denying the PML-N the chance of forming a government on its own.

In a country where actual conspiracies frequently compete with even more bizarre conspiracy theories, the least likely option in terms of public acceptance is that the establishment decided to let the voters have their say. Be that as it may, it is unlikely that the PTI’s claims of a stolen landslide will be judicially endorsed. Nor is there any evident possibility of Khan’s return to power. But the same dream has also been shattered for Nawaz Sharif, whose party trails the independents by a substantial margin, and the rumoured plan of ushering Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari into the prime ministerial slot always seemed outlandish.

The future is unwritten after an intriguing election.

What lies ahead is anyone’s guess. Some kind of clarity about the shape of the coalition to come — there is no other option — might emerge before the end of the month. A PDM 2.0 might be the least unlikely prospect, although who might be at its helm, or whether the PTI will dominate the opposition, remains unclear. A hung assembly naturally suits the purposes of those who have exercised behind-the-scenes power since 1988 — somewhat less directly (but nonetheless decisively) than in the preceding 11 years.

What the future holds so far remains shrouded in the smog of uncertainty. The foreign press, taken aback by the outcome, has been pushing the narrative of a vote against the establishment, while underplaying the latter’s role in the 2018 election result. Several reports, including in Pakistan, have attributed the unexpected result to an unprecedented turnout. But there is no evidence of that yet. Both official and independent sources say that it was even lower than in 2018. That did not prevent The Intercept’s Ryan Grim from proclaiming that a “historic turnout … is swamping the military’s effort to rig the election”.

The ill-informed likes of Grim also see Khan as some kind of democrat nonpareil, ignoring his military-backed initiation and pride in being on the same page as the security establishment. Other Western outlets have repeated the turnout claim, and suggested various solutions. Advice — local or extraneous — that the army ought to keep out of politics has made sense for almost half a century. That hasn’t come to pass, and although the US cannot be exonerated in this context, the fault lies in ourselves, and not exclusively in the stars-and-stripes.

America’s nuisance value has steadily multiplied for eight decades, and on all too many occasions Islamabad has latched onto Washington of its own volition, often with deleterious consequences. It does not naturally follow, though, that the cipher saga was instrumental in Khan’s displacement; not least because the process of relieving him of responsibilities he had failed to fulfil had already been in motion before the message from a relatively low-grade State Department operative reached Pakistan, suggesting that the US would be glad to see the back of the prime minister, who had badly mistimed his 2022 visit to Moscow.

Far more significant is what the next coalition, with or without PTI participation, might have in store for a tanking economy — which neither the Imran Khan administration nor its successors managed to do anything about. Even worse, none of the main party platforms in 2024 offered policies that might point to a solution beyond absurd castles in the air, such as the PPP’s populist promise of doubling everyone’s income.

Notwithstanding last week’s delayed elections, and the unexpected result that has enthused many within and outside the country who really ought to know better, any hope that a distinctly better future — desperately needed — lies ahead would be premature. Not for the first time, I sincerely hope my scepticism is misplaced.

Polls and their aftermath

Summary

  • The recent election in Pakistan saw a significant voter turnout despite doubts about fairness. Youth and women voters played a crucial role.
  • The election reflected anti-establishment sentiment and dissatisfaction with the status quo.
  • Initial trends suggested a major setback for parties perceived as being supported by the military.
  • There was a surprising turnaround in the final results, raising questions about their legitimacy.
  • International entities, including the UN, have expressed concerns about irregularities in the electoral process.
  • The PTI-backed 'independents' emerged as the largest group but lack parliamentary recognition.
  • Negotiations for coalition formation are underway, but stability remains a concern.
  • The political landscape is complex, with varied mandates across provinces.
  • The security establishment's influence on politics is a significant concern, affecting democratic processes.
  • Calls for a unity government have been made by various political figures, including Nawaz Sharif and the army chief.

Article

IT was perhaps the most consequential election in Pakistan’s recent history. Defying all odds, the voters turned out in record numbers. They have spoken out, loud and clear, and given their verdict. It was a vote for hope and democracy. But the people’s mandate seems to have been stolen yet again.

Events in the run-up to the elections had left little faith in the fairness of the polls. Still, the people came out, breaking down the walls of fear and hoping to bring change through the power of the ballot. The massive turnout of youth and women voters made the difference.

It was a protest vote against political repression and the status quo. Anti-establishment sentiment was quite palpable. The voting trend and initial poll results from Punjab and KP indicated a total rout of parties seen as having the military’s backing, in particular the PML-N. The PTI candidates took the lead in major constituencies.

Yet the final tally showed an incredibly different result. Many of the PML-N heavyweights who were lagging far behind PTI-affiliated candidates till late night were declared the winners the next morning. How this amazing turnaround happened is anybody’s guess. However, it was a different story in KP, where the result could not be altered much. The PTI held its ground in its main bastion.

It is certainly not for the first time that the country has witnessed such a mysterious overnight turnaround of poll results. We saw it, too, in the 2018 elections. It all depends on who is the favourite of the security establishment at the time. There was no doubt that the PTI was the main beneficiary of the ‘hand of God’ in the previous election. But what happened this time has hardly any precedent.

It was a protest vote against political repression and the status quo.

The large-scale poll irregularities have drawn a strong international reaction. The US, UK, and the European Union have separately expressed concerns about Pakistan’s electoral process and urged a probe into the reported irregularities. But the most damning statement on the elections came from the UN secretary general, who called on the Pakistani authorities and political leaders to resolve the issues related to the election “through the established legal frameworks” and to refrain from taking any action that could raise tensions.

It is almost unprecedented for a UN official to make such remarks on an issue generally considered to be a country’s internal matter. These statements by the international community cannot be brushed aside. They clearly show the worsening global perception of Pakistan’s democratic process. It also brings into question the alleged involvement of the security establishment in manipulating the electoral process. Its footprints could be seen all over.

Despite the alleged irregularities, the PTI-backed ‘independents’ have emerged as the single largest group in the next National Assembly. But since the PTI is not recognised as a parliamentary party, it cannot get its share of some 70 reserved seats for women and religious minorities. Hence, the party cannot achieve even a simple majority to form a government at the centre. Moreover, it would be extremely tough for the group to maintain its unity in the face of intimidation by the security agencies and horse-trading.

Meanwhile, a new power play has begun, disregarding all democratic norms. Wheeling and dealing is the name of the game. It’s all about power and control that has brought together vested interests. Former prime minister Nawaz Sharif appeared eager to declare victory despite the setback his PML-N received in its stronghold of Punjab.

While Sharif’s success in his home constituency of Lahore remains controversial, he has suffered a humiliating defeat in another constituency in KP’s Mansehra district. He may hold aspirations for a fourth term as prime minister. But it looks far more difficult for him now, with the PML-N failing to get even a simple majority. The party can only return to power if it can strike a deal with the PPP, which has emerged as the third largest group in the National Assembly.

In his post-election speech, Sharif called for the formation of a unity government, comprising all the major parties, including the independents. He has also talked about a healing touch to unite the nation. It all sounds good but it doesn’t go beyond rhetoric. In a similar statement, the army chief also urged Pakistan’s political parties to form a “unified government” to help the country move on from the politics of “anarchy and polarisation”.

It’s rare for an army chief to issue such political statements. It is not the mandate of the military leadership to tell the political leadership what kind of government there should be. But given the deep involvement of the security establishment in the political power equation, it has not come as a surprise. It also provides some insight into the emerging civil-military relationship.

It is apparent that the security establishment’s domination in the anticipated political set-up is likely to strengthen in a politically divided country. The unity which Sharif and the army chief are calling for cannot be achieved with the distortion of the democratic process. The allegation of election irregularities has further destabilised the country.

Meanwhile, negotiations between the PML-N and PPP have begun but it will not be easy to form a stable coalition administration. While showing support for a PML-N-led government, the PPP appears to have decided not to join the future administration. It seems that its leadership has realised that a weak coalition with questionable legitimacy may not be able to deliver. With the PPP keeping itself out, it is likely to be a minority government led by the PML-N.

What has made the situation more complex are the varied mandates obtained in different provinces. While the PML-N seems to have emerged as the largest party in the Punjab provincial assembly, PTI-affiliated candidates have swept the polls in KP, strengthening its claim to form the government in the province. Any move to prevent the party from its democratic right to form the government could be disastrous.

The political fallout of a questionable electoral process cannot be easily resolved. Surely the country needs a healing touch but that can only happen by restoring the democratic rights of the people.

Crass consumerism or love?

Summary

  • Valentine's Day is becoming less popular:
    • Reasons include opposition to celebrating coupledom in an age where being single is accepted, and protest against its consumerist nature.
    • Single people feel pressure due to social media and societal expectations.
  • The commercialization of the holiday is criticized:
    • Prices of gifts inflate significantly.
    • Social media displays create a competition and pressure to spend.
    • Even "situationships" (unclear relationships) have their own candy.
  • The gap between rich and poor makes celebrating uncomfortable for some:
    • Many suffer from poverty and conflict, while Valentine's Day encourages extravagant spending.
    • Exhibitionism of wealth feels insensitive in the face of suffering.
  • Alternatives to traditional celebrations are suggested:
    • Celebrate love in various forms, not just romantic couples.
    • Focus on private expressions of affection instead of public displays.
    • Consider the suffering of others and avoid excessive spending.

Article

THERE was a time when Valentine’s Day and its attendant celebration of love and sweethearts was an event when everyone who was single had to suffer. This is no longer the case.

Over the past few years, even those who are not single have started to opt out of the celebration. The reasons are numerous, and they include everything from the opposition to the celebration of coupledom in an age where being single is increasingly being viewed as acceptable, to a protest against the consumerist nature of the holiday when the prices of flowers and chocolates skyrocket to double, even triple the usual amount.

Others dislike what they call the manipulative nature of the event, which they allege is supposed to make single people feel like there is something wrong with them because they are not all cosily coupled up. There is some truth to all of it.

One of the consequences of increasing urbanisation and the high cost of living has been that the world is home to more single people than perhaps ever before. Migration to new cities makes it harder to meet members of the opposite sex because city life invariably lacks the kind of social and familial connections that exist in one’s native town.

In many parts of the Global South, people have to migrate not only to faraway cities within their country but even to places like the Gulf countries and Saudi Arabia to have any employment at all. In the process, they are cut off from their social circles. Even for those who remain at home, the process of meeting and marrying involves having a sufficient income which is becoming an increasingly elusive prospect for so many in these inflationary times.

At the other end of the world, the show goes on, sometimes in a facetious manner. Take, for example, the small matter of exes. The bad feelings towards those who have broken one’s heart seem to persist for far longer than one would think. So prevalent is this aggrieved sentiment that fundraisers at San Antonio Zoo in Texas have managed to capitalise on it. For a certain amount of money, you can have a vegetable, insect, or rodent named after your ex and have it fed to a zoo animal.

The fundraiser has been incredibly popular, and many people signed on online, feeling quite delighted at having a rat named after a former boyfriend or husband and then having the rodent fed to a reptile, thus meting out a punishment that their former beau or spouse would never suffer in real life. For those who choose it, a digital card can be bought that lets the reviled ex know that a rat or a cricket with their name was fed to an animal on Feb 14.

The commercialisation doesn’t stop there and is all-encompassing when it comes ‘situationships’, the term for relationships that are not quite clear in the minds of individuals who might be romantically involved but don’t know where they stand. A popular candy that is heart-shaped and has traditionally had love messages like ‘be my sweetheart’ or ‘love you’ has now entered the situationship game.

This year, a new edition of the candy has been introduced which is also heart-shaped and has messages on it, except that the words are blurry and unreadable, reflecting the essence of situationships. They may be a joke, but they point to the fact that in such entanglements it is impossible to gauge how the other party feels.

For a certain amount of money, you can have a vegetable, insect, or rodent named after your ex and have it fed to a zoo animal.

However, these indulgences aside, there is a growing number of people for whom the ever-increasing gap between the wealthy and the rest is enough reason to reject Valentine’s Day; they have many qualms about celebrating a day which has to do with consumerism, commercialisation and the love of display on a grand scale.

The proliferation of social media means that whatever is received is paraded on various platforms, fuelling the same kind of perverse consumerism that makes corporations rich and everyone else poor. Love, the existence of it, the lack of it, the profusion of it, is thus translated neatly into the amount of money that was spent or not spent or whatever expectations were met or not met.

Crass consumerism, commercialisation and exhibitionism make for a vile spectacle. Long, effusive messages attesting to how much a person loves their spouse are plastered on social media as if the person themselves (who is likely sitting right next to the individual posting them) cannot be told in person and must find out via Instagram or Facebook. Being told directly would be missing the point of exhibitionism.

If the traffic in presents were not enough, this cheapening of intimate and special feelings whose exchange should be private is a sad development. Things need not be this way. Relationships can be celebrated in many forms — between couples, siblings, friends, etc. There has been an expansion of the concept to include these with new cards expressing the change but perhaps these are not as readily available as the usual red balloons, roses and mushy messages shared with the world.

We live in frightening and desperate times. Truly awful conditions prevail across the world, from the thousands of children dying in Gaza as Israel continues its manic genocidal campaign, to the two million people at risk of starvation in Sudan.

We can see it in Pakistan as well, where anger is growing as even the basic necessities are no longer affordable, and where families continue to make the difficult ‘choice’ of sending their child to school or work. Trying for less ostentation won’t harm us. Exhibitionism, even when in love, when so many are suffering all around, is nothing short of grotesque.

Tribal transition

Summary

Historical Background:

  • Tribal areas in Pakistan have a long history of complex governance, including autonomy under British rule and later marginalization.
  • Pre-merger, these areas lacked modern legal and administrative systems, leading to isolation and weak governance.
  • The 25th Amendment aimed to integrate these areas into the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province, promising development and rule of law.

Post-Merger Transition:

  • Integration includes political devolution, new courts, and police force, aiming to strengthen state authority and empower citizens.
  • Challenges include land settlement issues, protests, and the need for effective governance that balances revenue generation, public services, and economic growth.

Social Impact:

  • Technological advancements and globalization are impacting tribal communities, offering opportunities and challenges to traditional structures.
  • The war on terror and refugee influx have further transformed the sociocultural landscape, with increased militancy and demographic shifts.
  • This has created a mix of nostalgia for conservatism among older generations and a push for modernity among the youth.

Overall:

  • The merger represents a significant shift towards inclusion for the tribal areas, but faces challenges and requires effective governance for long-term stability.
  • The article highlights the complex socio-political landscape of the region and the need for nuanced understanding of its historical context, evolving dynamics, and aspirations.

Article

HISTORICALLY, Pakistan’s tribal areas have long stood at the crossroads of governance, culture, and geopolitics. These areas have navigated the complexities of autonomy, marginalisation, and integration within the broader national framework.

From 1877 to 1947, during the British Raj, they were a focal point due to their unique administrative structure and greater autonomy. The British Indian government aimed to understand tribal cultures and adapt its response accordingly, yet these areas made headlines for their challenges. In both the pre- and post-partition eras, these regions were managed through special legal and administrative frameworks. However, aside from the 25th Amendment, governance was mostly security-focused, leading to isolation and weak governance, which affected their administrative and sociopolitical health.

Post-independence, the tribal areas experienced constitutional changes, with the 1956 constitution designating them as ‘Special Areas’ and the 1962 constitution limiting the applicability of central and provincial laws, enforceable only by presidential or gubernatorial directive. This exclusion maintained the areas’ administrative and legal isolation. The 1973 Constitution allowed 37,000 maliks voting rights, excluding ordinary tribal people from the electoral process and further alienating them. Universal adult suffrage was introduced in 1997.

Before the 25th Amendment, Fata was divided into seven agencies and Frontier Regions, which were reorganised into districts post-merger. In 2022, South Waziristan was further divided into two districts. The inclusion of the Newly Merged Districts in the provincial assembly and cabinet through elections promises national integration, development, and a stronger rule of law. This political devolution and the introduction of criminal justice system (CJS) components are expected to solidify state authority and public empowerment in NMDs, facilitating the merger’s goals.

Fata’s integration into KP represents a significant move from exclusion to inclusion after 70 years, enhancing KP’s role in national politics and sparking debates on administrative reforms, including the creation of new provinces. The merger has led to the integration of tribal forces into the police and the establishment of courts, aiming for unified law enforcement and CJS in KP.

Technological advances and globalisation have significantly impacted tribal communities, offering empowerment through social media while challenging traditional social structures. The arrival of Afghan refugees and fighters for the Afghan jihad further transformed the sociocultural landscape, leading to increased militancy and demographic shifts. These changes have prompted a complex mix of nostalgia for conservative values among older generations and a push towards political liberalism and modernity among the youth.

The ongoing war on terrorism has bridged the gap between tribal traditions and mod­ernity for the youth, highlighting the importance of political rights amidst transitions. The post-9/11 era has seen a fluctuation between religious and cultural identities, with kinetic operations against mili­t­ancy causing further displacements. The post-merger period has witnessed a surge in protests, a new phenomenon for Fata’s people, emphasising the need for land settlement as a critical component of reform.

Since its establishment, the northwest has seen various administrative changes, progressing through reforms but without their outcomes being thoroughly assessed. The North-West Frontier Province was officially formed in 1901 as a chief commissioner province, allowing the princely states of Swat, Dir, Chitral, and Amb to maintain autonomy until their integration into NWFP in 1969. The region’s status evolved, becoming a governor’s province in 1932, and saw the implementation of the Government of India Act, 1935, in 1937, leading to the creation of the NWFP legislative assembly. In 1955, NWFP merged with West Pakistan, only to regain its provincial status in 1970, with the inclusion of additional areas as settled regions. The 18th Amendment in 2010 addressed the long-standing request to rename NWFP ‘Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’.

Historically, the tribal areas served as arenas for conflicting ideologies and interests. Before the merger, these regions enjoyed autonomy, exempt from taxation, modern policing, and judicial systems. The transition post-merger emphasises gradual implementation of taxation, law enforcement, social empowerment, and development strategies. However, mere constitutional amendments and legal frameworks are insufficient for administrative stability. Effective governance relies on the synergy between revenue generation, public service delivery, economic growth, and peace.

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