Dawn Editorials (with Summary and Vocabulary)

 

DAWN EDITORIALS

February 8, 2024 (Thursday)

Day’s Vocabulary

• Fidelity.      faithfulness to a person, cause, or belief, demonstrated by continuing loyalty and support
• Protestations.      an emphatic declaration that something is or is not the case
• Hermitage.            the dwelling of a hermit, especially when small and remote
• Cacophony.           a harsh discordant mixture of sounds
• Reverberated.      (of a loud noise) be repeated several times as an echo
• Halcyon.     denoting a period of time in the past that was idyllically happy and peaceful
• Venerated. regard with great respect; revere
• Matriarch. a woman who is the head of a family or tribe
• Insatiable. (of an appetite or desire) impossible to satisfy
• Obstinate.  stubbornly refusing to change one's opinion or chosen course of action, despite attempts to persuade one to do so
• Quail.           feel or show fear or apprehension
• Reticent.     not revealing one's thoughts or feelings readily
• Spurned.     reject with disdain or contempt
• Frugal.         sparing or economical with regard to money or food
• Gruesome. causing repulsion or horror; grisly
• Hyperbole. exaggerated statements or claims not meant to be taken literally
• Cull.  select from a large quantity; obtain from a variety of sources
• Hamstrung.          cripple (a person or animal) by cutting their hamstrings
• Rump.          a small or unimportant remnant of something originally larger
• Frantic.       wild or distraught with fear, anxiety, or other emotion
• Husband.   use (resources) economically; conserve
• Defy. openly resist or refuse to obey
• Elusive. difficult to find, catch, or achieve:
• Incarcerated.       imprison or confine
• Sordid.         involving ignoble actions and motives; arousing moral distaste and contempt
• Dissident.  a person who opposes official policy, especially that of an authoritarian state
• Refutes.      prove (a statement or theory) to be wrong or false; disprove
• Intimidation.       the action of intimidating someone, or the state of being intimidated
• Repercussions.    an unintended consequence occurring some time after an event or action, especially an unwelcome one
• Mired.          cause to become stuck in mud
• Depravity.  moral corruption; wickedness
• Dogged.       follow (someone or their movements) closely and persistently
• Aberrations.         a departure from what is normal, usual, or expected, typically one that is unwelcome
• Edifice.        a complex system of beliefs
• Accrues.      (of sums of money or benefits) be received by someone in regular or increasing amounts over time
• Dear­­th.        a scarcity or lack of something

The pious trinity

Summary

The Pious Trinity:

• The article compares Sita (wife of Rama), Kasturbai Gandhi (wife of Mahatma Gandhi), and Jashodaben Modi (wife of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi) as a "pious trinity" who endured suffering due to their husbands' actions.
• All three women were loyal and supportive despite facing neglect, estrangement, and personal sacrifices.

Sita:

• Questioned her exile by Rama and faced public suspicion despite her purity.
• Some believe she deserves equal veneration for her devotion.

Kasturbai Gandhi:

• Faced constant humiliation and estrangement from her children due to Gandhi's ideals.
• Expected to be obedient and ultimately sacrificed her own desires for his cause.

Jashodaben Modi:

• Abandoned by her husband early in their marriage for his political career.
• Lives a frugal life and avoids speaking negatively about him despite her personal struggles.

Comparisons and Criticisms:

• The article criticizes the glorification of these men while their wives' sacrifices are largely ignored.
• It questions the treatment of Indian Muslims in the current political climate.

Article

HISTORY tells us more about Sita (the misjudged consort of Lord Rama) and about Shrimata Kasturbai (the suffering spouse of Mahatma Gandhi) than we know about Smt Jashodaben (the invisible wife of Prime Minister Narendra Modi).

These three form a pious trinity whose loyalty to their often unfeeling husbands personifies courage, the quality John F. Kennedy defined as “grace under pressure”.

Sita’s fidelity to her husband Rama remained intact throughout the 14 years she spent in exile with him, the last as a prisoner of the demon king Ravana in Lanka. Even after her return to Ayodhya and despite her protestations of purity, Rama sent her into a second exile. She spent 15 more years in the hermitage of the sage Valmiki who taught her twin sons Lava and Kusa (deemed founders of Laho­­re and Kasur) the Ramayana he composed.

Persuaded to rejoin her husband in Ayo­dhya, Sita found herself under suspicion yet again. She appealed to Mother Earth which then obligingly swallowed her.

The cacophony that greeted the original return of Rama and Sita to Ayodhya reverberated on Jan 22 this year. Ramabhakts expect a restoration of Rama Rajya — a halcyon age “marked by peace, prosperity, and harmony”. Some though felt that Sita should also have been venerated for her uncomplaining devotion to Lord Rama.

Gandhi, like his idol Rama, was a less than perfect husband.

When I visited Ayodhya and the ruins of the Babri Masjid in 2005, I stayed in the guest house of a temple dedicated to Sita. It was built by a matriarch of the Orchha royal family and is serviced with food and fresh bathwater every day, as if Sita and Rama still lived there. Its other occupants were an uncontrollable troop of monkeys, given free rein for being descendants of Rama’s monkey ally Hanuman.

Another Sita of sorts was Kasturbai Gandhi, M.K. Gandhi’s loyal wife. She endured endless humiliation at his hands, estrangement from her children, and even accepted his unilateral decision to become a brahmacharya. Shamed by him into forgoing salt and pulses, she died, swallowed by his insatiable ideals.

Gandhi, like his idol Rama, was a less than perfect husband. He wrote of Kasturbai that he “expected obedience from her”. In his memoirs, he admitted: “She was very obstinate. In spite of all my pressure she would do as she wished. This led to short or long periods of estrangement between us. But as my public life expanded, my wife bloomed forth and deliberately lost herself in my work.”

The poetess Sarojini Naidu described Kasturbai as “the living symbol of Indian womanhood. Never once did her feet falter or her heart quail on the steep path of perpetual sacrifice, which was her portion in the wake of the great man [she] followed with such surpassing courage, faith and devotion”.

Kasturbai and Gandhi spent 62 testing years together. Indian PM Narendra Modi and his wife Jashodaben have spent “a total of about three months” out a three-year period of cohabitation, after which he abandoned her for a political career with the RSS.

A reticent person, she revealed in a rare interview that “when he told me he would be moving around the country as he wished, I told him I would like to join him [.] He used to spend a lot of time in RSS shakhas”.

Spurned but not divorced, she has lived a frugal life, surviving on a teacher’s salary and now on a modest pension. She knows Narendra Modi almost as well as his enemies: “I will not say anything against my husband. He is very powerful [.] I am afraid of the consequences.”

All three — Sita, Kasturbai and Jashodaben — symbolise the role selfless wives are forced to play in misogynist societies. They have yet to be acknowledged as private martyrs, eclipsed by publicly glorified heroes.

Legend has it that Rama (sans Sita) ruled over Ayodhya for 10,000 years. Since then, his devotees believe that mere recitation of the Ramayana “brings prosperous families, wealth and grain in abundance, lovely wives, supreme felicity, and complete success in all undertakings”.

The Ramayana recounts how the monkey king Sugriva accompanied Rama on his return to Ayodhya, taking with him 9,000 elephants carrying monkeys “in the form of men”.

On Jan 22, 2024, no monkeys were visible during the pran prathistha of the new Rama temple. Apparently, they have no place in the second Rama Rajya. Nor have Indian Muslims who are faced with a trinity of cruel ‘choices’: expulsion to wherever, conversion without integration, or forced sterilisation?

The Congress party dare not object. It still has Sanjay Gandhi’s “gruesome campaign” of compulsory sterilisation (mainly of Muslims) in 1975 to answer for.

Dear voter…

Summary

1. This election is crucial for Pakistan's future:

• More important than any since 2007 due to the complexities of transitioning from "hybrid regimes" to stable democracy.
• Hybrid regimes (governments formed through non-standard means) have ruled since 2017, creating economic instability and political division.

2. The new government faces major challenges:

• High inflation, currency devaluation, and potential resurgence of terrorism.
• Pressure to settle political scores and disregard campaign promises.
• Deep polarization and erosion of trust in democratic norms.

3. The writer urges voters to:

• Elect a government with a clear economic vision and commitment to democracy.
• Prioritize reconciliation and healing over revenge.
• Respect the law and rebuild trust in democratic institutions.

4. Overall message:

• This election is an opportunity for a fresh start and a return to stable, democratic governance.
• Voters have a responsibility to choose wisely and work towards national unity.

Article

IF you are going to vote today, take out a couple of minutes to read this first. There is no candidate endorsement here. We all want the same thing, for our country to prosper, our rights to be secure, the future bright for our children.

Dear voter, please understand this election is more important than any since 2007. This is not hyperbole. That year saw Pakistan undertake a very troubled and very difficult transition from military rule to civilian democracy.

The baggage from the era of military rule was heavy — an economy in meltdown following years of being artificially pumped with borrowed dollars, a judiciary scarred from a dictator’s attempt to cull the bench of the Supreme Court, a rising arc of terrorism following the chaotic end of the Lal Masjid episode, relations with the US fraying as the Taliban scored gains on the battlefield, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto and so on.

Navigating the politics of transition was near impossible. It involved absorbing the political cost of stabilising the economy, of massively escalating the fight against terrorism and inviting the wrath of the jihadi establishment in the country, with its deep roots, and managing the aftermath of the lawyers’ movement.

This is not an exhaustive list, of course. It is just a reminder that things get extremely complicated during periods when the country has to transition from military rule to civilian democracy.

The present moment is perhaps not the same as a transition from military to democratic rule. But it does involve elements of transition very similar to those moments. Consider, for example, that the country has been run by hybrid regimes since 2017. Not only that, each hybrid experiment since that year was short-lived, meaning it was hamstrung by the necessity and focused principally on ensuring its survival above all else.

Faith in our democracy must win over the desire to get even.

Each hybrid experiment from 2017 had its own unique composition. The government led by Shahid Khaqan Abbasi in 2017, for example, consisted of a rump leadership picked from the remnants of the ruling party following the disqualification of Nawaz Sharif by the courts. The next government, led by Imran Khan, was a new political party that had never ruled the country before.

After that, we had the so-called PDM government, led by an unlikely and unwieldy coalition of virtually all political parties that came together to either oppose Imran Khan or save the country, depending on your political vantage point. And after the PDM, came the caretaker government that we, the voters, are preparing to send home today.

This unending trail of hybrid governments rotating through power for seven long and noisy years has left deep scars on the economy. These same seven years have seen the largest loss of value of the local currency ever by comparison to any other seven-year period in the country’s history. The dollar nearly tripled in value from the summer of 2017 till the summer of 2023, before finally ceding some ground which it may well reclaim by the summer of 2024.

These years also saw the breakout of the most ferocious inflationary cycle the country has ever seen. Starting from 2021, inflation spiralled relentlessly to reach heights it has never seen before in our history. For a moment, it was almost as if the value of the money we depend on to secure our livelihoods was eroding in real time, right before our eyes.

I am not looking to reopen debate on who was responsible for this, and what the drivers of the inflation and devaluation were. I have written about these matters enough already. For today, it is enough to emphasise only this: these two phenomena were linked.

The parade of one hybrid combination after another passing by us for seven long and noisy years gave us the inflation and devaluation, along with the intensification of import restrictions and other frantic efforts to husband the scarce foreign exchange reserves and the resultant collapse of growth and the rise of unemployment. These are not only linked. They are, in fact, two sides of the same coin.

This is what we have to transition out of now. It is not quite a military government, but the endless trail of hybrid regimes that must end today. The government that you and I, together, are standing in line to bring into being today will have a heavy agenda and complicated baggage to carry from the era of hybridity.

Once again, it will inherit an economy pregnant with inflationary pressures, which may have eased but still lurk menacingly just below the surface. Once again, it will face a rising arc of terrorism and the political baggage of successive hybrid eras, which today primarily means a heavy menu of scores to be settled.

The incoming government must not have an embattled mandate. It must have clarity on what is required on the economic front — even if this clarity tells it to put aside some of its campaign promises for the foreseeable future. It must not become hostage to its past and sink into an endless game of settling scores. It must learn, and teach others by its example, to respect democratic norms and procedures, and slowly rebuild the house of democracy that is burning with polarisation and hate these days.

It must relearn the Constitution and remain within the confines of the law. The midnight abductions of PTI workers and candidates and others, must end. Enforced disappearances must end. The politics of reconciliation must be allowed to play out. Faith in our democracy must win over the desire to get even.

Please join me, as we stand in the same line together, in wishing for a new beginning for our country. Let’s resolve to find our way forward together. Let our differences not become unbridgeable chasms of hate. Let our democracy heal — itself, and us along with it. This, dear voter, is my prayer for you and I.

Paradox of Election 2024

Summary

Overall:

• Pakistan's 2024 elections are happening amid uncertainty and manipulation, with the biggest battleground being Punjab.
• The outcome is unpredictable and could have major consequences for the country's future.

Main points:

• Nawaz Sharif's party (PML-N) is favored to win, but it won't be easy. They face opposition from PTI supporters and independent candidates.
• PTI, led by Imran Khan, is being restricted from participating due to legal troubles. This angers their supporters and raises concerns about free and fair elections.
• Security establishment is accused of manipulating the process to favor PML-N. This could backfire and lead to violence.
• Other provinces like Sindh and Balochistan have their own dynamics and could impact the final power equation.
• The unpredictable outcome could challenge the security establishment and potentially lead to a "popular wave against the state."

Additional notes:

• The author expresses concern about the fairness of the elections and the potential for violence.
• He emphasizes the importance of the elections for Pakistan's future.

Article

PAKISTAN goes to the polls today amid despair and uncertainty. For many, the outcome has already been decided, with one of the largest political parties having been effectively forced out of the race. Yet, surprises cannot be ruled out.

Whatever the result, the 2024 polls will have a huge impact on the future course of Pakistani politics. The most important question is: how would it change the country’s power equation? With the PTI virtually out of the equation, the stage seems to have been set for Nawaz Sharif’s return to power. The resurrection of the three-time prime minister tells the story of the ever-shifting sands of Pakistani politics.

It is, however, not over yet. The polls could throw up many surprises. A large turnout could defy the odds. The return of a large number of ‘independents’ could alter the entire power game. A fragmented mandate could push the country’s politics onto uncharted territory. Sharif’s dream of being crowned for the fourth time may prove elusive. Let us wait for a new episode of the game of thrones post-Feb 8.

The latest conviction of incarcerated former prime minister Imran Khan (for entering into matrimony allegedly during the iddat of the former first lady) just days before the polls demonstrates the desperation to completely block him and his party from the electoral process. It was Khan’s third conviction in less than a week; the combined sentence is more than 30 years in prison.

Given the voters’ sentiments, it will not be a cakewalk for Nawaz Sharif’s party.

These rushed verdicts in the run-up to the polls have further exposed the sordid game being played by the security establishment, which has delegitimised the electoral process. Khan’s latest conviction has brought shame on the entire nation and has made a mockery of justice. The verdict has cast a huge shadow over the elections.

These punitive actions appear to be part of a plan to discourage PTI voters from coming out to vote today. Yet it could have the opposite effect, causing angry supporters to break the wall of fear. The power of social media and artificial intelligence has become a major tool for the party to mobilise its voters with, mostly the youth, thus impacting the outcome of the polls. Any attempt to shut down the internet today is not likely to be effective.

Punjab, the country’s biggest province with more than half of the National Assembly seats, is the main battleground. That may be the reason why the security establishment is resorting to repressive tactics against the PTI and other dissident groups. Until the very end, the Punjab police was reportedly raiding PTI election offices and the homes of candidates backed by the party. There were also reports of candidates affiliated with the PTI being picked up in order to prevent them from campaigning.

Such actions against a particular party refutes the claim of the caretaker administration and the Election Commission of Pakistan that all sides are being given a level playing field and that free and fair polls are being conducted. The role of the ECP as an impartial body guaranteeing free polls is being questioned. It is apparent that the ground was being cleared for the PML-N to sail through.

But given the voters’ sentiments, it will not be a cakewalk for Nawaz Sharif’s party, notwithstanding the support from the security establishment. There is always a limit to the extent such manipulations can work and obtain ‘positive results’.

While Punjab may be the main electoral battleground, the outcome in the other provinces will also be extremely critical to determining the post-election power equation. It may be difficult for the security establishment to completely manage the poll in KP where the popular tide in favour of the PTI is much stronger.

The PML-N does not have a significant support base in the province except for some pockets in Hazara district. It will certainly be much harder for the establishment to keep PTI voters away from polling.

It is apparent that the kind of intimidation being used in Punjab may not work in the extremely volatile situation prevailing in the province. Meanwhile, a surge in militant violence against the police and other law-enforcement agencies has aggravated the law-and-order situation, making the job of the administration much harder. Any use of force against the opposition could have serious repercussions.

A completely different electoral dynamic is in play in Sindh where the PPP still holds the dominant position. While no surprise is expected in the interior where the PPP doesn’t face any challenge, the situation in Karachi appears unpredictable, with many parties in the field. But the hold of the PPP on the province seems unshakable. It is also hopeful of getting a significant share of seats in Balochistan.

Given this advantage, the party is now focusing on regaining some lost space in Punjab and KP in order to be a player in the battle for Islamabad. It is not surprising that the party has trained its guns on the PML-N that it sees as a major rival in the power contest. The entire effort of the party leadership in those provinces is to win over PTI supporters. But there is no indication yet of the party having made much of a breakthrough in this direction.

However, the PPP leadership appears confident of garnering the support of independents mainly affiliated with the PTI, who are expected to return to the National Assembly in large numbers. It will be a different ball game then, with PTI-affiliated independents holding the balance of power. Such a situation may completely spoil the PML-N-establishment game plan.

What happens after Feb 8 remains unpredictable despite the unprecedented manipulation and pre-poll rigging. It may turn into, as one analyst described it, a popular wave against the state.

The unpredictable outcome of the polls could also prove a serious test for the security establishment. Vote-rigging may be the establishment’s last resort. But that would be at the cost of the country’s future.

Exam imbroglio

Summary

• Problem: Karachi's Higher Secondary School Certificate exams were marred by cheating and corruption, including destroyed evidence, replaced answer books, and manipulated results.
• Impact: Students are suffering due to inaccurate grades, and the overall education system lacks credibility.
• Causes: Widespread cheating culture, poor curriculum delivery, lack of accountability in hiring teachers and printing textbooks, existence of ghost schools, and collusion between education officials, teachers, and local actors.
• Consequences: Poor human resource development, domination of private/foreign exam board students, and lost opportunities for deserving students.
• Solutions: Form a committee of experts to oversee exams, use digital tools and secrecy, have multiple examiners per answer book, and overall reforms in the education system.
• Benefits of reform: Increased student pressure for better teaching, improved learning outcomes, reduced corruption, and societal progress.
• Urgency: New government should prioritize education reforms, including the exam system.

Article

THE downward spiral of our college education system witnessed a new low when last year’s Higher Secondary School Certificate examinations held in Karachi became mired in complete depravity.

A committee was constituted a few weeks ago to probe the matter, and its report revealed multiple malpractices: destruction of crucial evidence during the investigations, alleged replacement of answer books, manipulation of award lists, and non-compliance with procedures to maintain the sanctity of the exam process were some key findings.

The probe also found procedural-level malpractices in the financial affairs of the Board of Intermediate Education Karachi. Students impacted by this controversial test process are still running from pillar to post for a satisfactory answer, with many being extremely concerned about receiving less-than-expected marks. In a recent development, the Sindh caretaker chief minister formed another committee to investigate this disaster. What is most disappointing is that the examination system is not subjected to the overhaul it desperately needs.

Traditionally, the advent of summers marks the end of a college academic year. When the schedule of examinations is announced, media reports and complaints about widespread cheating begin pouring in. In several suburban locations of Karachi, routine complaints of the late arrival of examination material and the shady performance of invigilators cast a long shadow over the transparency and supervision of the exams. Concerned citizen groups, media personnel and some political parties raise their voice over these issues, but the authorities pay no heed.

The examination system needs an urgent overhaul.

The prevalence of the cheating culture is not the failure of educational institutions and examination boards alone; it highlights the overall breakdown of values in our society. Many incidents have shown people facilitating the supply of cheating material. A sizable number of them believe that the means to secure the end — a certificate and high scores — matters little. Briefly, they believe that sowing the seeds of corruption in young minds does not matter. Therefore, it is no surprise that when these youngsters grow up and enter professional life, they, too, end up promoting corruption.

Board exams are the final stage of an integrated system of education here. If the curriculum is delivered improperly to students, timely checks are not carried out and regular performance enhancement drills not conducted, there is only a limited chance that students will take tests with confidence.

Stakeholders associated with education are dogged by scandals and controversy; overall routines are seldom followed in the hiring of teachers and the timely printing of textbooks. Little is done to address the existence of ghost colleges and missing teachers. The list of aberrations is long. Despite countless donor-funded programmes and much-trumpeted corrective actions, the edifice of school and college education rests on weak foundations. Conducting examinations in a dubious manner accrues only to the fraudulent intentions and collusion of the education establishment, teachers, political forces and local activists. Merit and fair play stand defeated.

The impact of this dismal management ranges from poor human resource development to the domination of students from private and foreign examination boards at the very beginning of career development. Reputed universities and institutions have stringent measures, including entrance tests and interviews, to assess admission seekers. Unsurprisingly, students who violate ethics feel the effect of their wrongdoing throughout their lives. While weal­thy children survive for obvious rea­sons, ordinary ones suffer a dear­­th of opportunities that would otherwise have been ach­ievable through a merit-based system.

The provincial government, which controls the boards and universities, must constitute a steering committee of acclaimed educationists to oversee the examination process and use digital tools as well as observe complete secrecy in allocating answer books. Assessments must be conducted by at least two examiners for each answer book.

If and when the credibility of examination system is restored, it will have far-reaching results, such as enabling students to build pressure on teachers, coaching centres and college managements to teach and perform their duties competently. This rise in competence and attainment levels will boost human resource development, reduce corruption, ensure progress in various social and economic sectors and initiate a trickle-down effect in society. With a new government to be inducted into power soon, reforms in the examination system should feature as the main task.