World in Brief - The Economist Roundup
World in Brief
The Economist Roundup
February 17, 2024
Alexei Navalny, Russia’s most prominent
opposition leader, died, according to the Russian prison service. The
prison service said he fell ill after a walk and “lost consciousness almost
immediately”. Mr Navalny was serving a 19-year sentence in a harsh penal
facility near the Arctic Circle. In December, while in another prison east of
Moscow, he disappeared from public view for three weeks. Conditions in that
prison, where Mr Navalny had been held since 2021, amounted to torture.
President Joe Biden joined other Western
leaders in blaming Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president, for Mr Navalny’s
reported death. He said
that his administration was considering “a whole number of options” in
response, without offering details. Mr Biden also reiterated his criticism of
Donald Trump for encouraging Russia to attack NATO allies who spend too little
on defence. Mr Biden said that Mr Putin should know that America “will defend
every inch of NATO territory”.
Oleksandr Syrsky, Ukraine’s new
commander-in-chief, ordered his troops to leave the eastern frontline town of
Avdiivka. Mr Syrsky took the decision in order to “avoid encirclement”
and save lives. Russia has besieged Avdiivka for months—and the town had become
something of a symbol of Ukrainian resistance. Losing it will be a blow to
morale. Capturing Avdiivka would be Russia’s biggest battlefield win since
taking Bakhmut in May 2023.
A judge in New York ordered Donald Trump
to pay $354m for misrepresenting his net worth. The former president had been found liable
for fraud in the civil trial before it had even kicked off. The judge also
barred Mr Trump from holding senior positions in any New York corporation for
three years, and applied a two-year ban to his adult sons.
Reuters reported that Egypt is preparing
a patch of desert at its border with Gaza to accommodate Palestinians in case
an Israeli ground offensive in Rafah sparks an exodus. The Egyptian government,
which has consistently refused to take in Palestinian refugees, denied the
claim. Other Arab states, as well as America, have repeatedly warned against
the displacement of Palestinians from Gaza.
Volodmyr Zelensky, Ukraine’s president,
signed separate security agreements in Germany and France. Olaf Scholz,
Germany’s leader, promised Mr Zelensky €1.1bn ($1.2bn) in fresh aid. Emmanuel
Macron, France’s president, promised up to €3bn ($3.2bn) in 2024—up from €2.1bn
($2.3bn) last year. Both are significantly less than the $60bn that America’s
Senate recently passed, but House Republicans have declined to hold a vote.
Word of the week: zhengbao, China’s
political-security protection unit, housed within the broader police
force. Read our story about how China manages to stifle dissent without a KGB.
The world responds to Navalny’s death
In 2021 President Joe Biden warned that Russia would face
“devastating” consequences should Alexei Navalny die on Vladimir Putin’s watch.
Now, according to Russian prison authorities, it has happened, and the world is
waiting to see what happens next. Speaking after the reports of Mr Navalny’s
death, Mr Biden said his administration was “looking at a whole number of
options”. Ursula von der Leyen, president of the European Commission,
promised to “spare no efforts” in holding the Kremlin to account. Fresh EU
sanctions could follow.
The demise of Russia’s most prominent opposition figure will
dominate conversations at the Munich Security Conference over the weekend.
Addressing the event on Friday Yulia, Mr Navalny’s wife, called on the
assembled dignitaries to “defeat the horrific regime that is now in Russia”.
Another attendee, President Volodymyr Zelensky, arrived in Munich planning to
urge Ukraine’s allies to speed up deliveries of weapons and ammunition. Perhaps
his message will now find more receptive ears.
Orban’s annual gloat
Viktor Orban, Hungary’s cantankerous prime minister, will
strike a note of triumph in his state-of-the-nation address on Saturday. He
always does. Last year he boasted of his Fidesz party’s huge win in the
election of 2022. This year he has a tougher job. Two of his party’s
bigwigs—Hungary’s president, Katalin Novak, and the former justice minister
turned MP, Judit Varga—recently quit over their roles in pardoning an orphanage
official who covered up sexual abuse. That scandal stained Mr Orban’s image as
an exponent of Christian values and a hero of the international “national
conservative” movement.
Mr Orban likes to brag about standing up to Brussels. In
December the EU let him have €10bn ($10.8bn) in aid it had blocked over his
rule-of-law violations. But earlier this month, under pressure, he dropped his
veto of EU aid to Ukraine. He has since returned to form, holding up sanctions
on Chinese firms that have aided Russia’s war effort. No doubt his audience
will lap it up.
Alexei Navalny, Russia’s opposition leader
Alexei Navalny was not afraid of death. He had almost died
before. In August 2020, on a flight in Siberia, Russia’s most prominent
opposition leader fell into a coma: he had been poisoned with Novichok, a nerve
agent. He was flown to Berlin to recover, but after five months he returned
home to Moscow—a defiant middle finger to President Vladimir Putin.
He was swifty jailed, on ludicrous charges. As his prison
sentence grew longer his face grew gaunter. In December he disappeared for 21
days as he was taken deeper into Russia’s modern-day gulag, ultimately arriving
at a penal colony in Siberia. Then, finally, Mr Putin got his wish. On Friday
prison authorities said that Mr Navalny had died, having “felt unwell after a
walk”.
Mr Navalny was an everyman. He was raised in Obninsk, a town
south-west of Moscow. His father was an officer in the Soviet missile forces,
his mother an accountant. After retirement they took over an artisanal
willow-weaving business. Born in 1976, Mr Navalny was a generation younger than
Mr Putin, who was a former KGB officer; he associated the Soviet era with
decay. Especially influential was the Chernobyl nuclear disaster of 1986, in
Ukraine. He had spent summers at his grandparents’ house on the edges of the
town.
A lawyer by training, Mr Navalny said that it was Mr Putin’s
rise that brought him into politics. In 2000 he joined Yabloko, Russia’s oldest
liberal party, but found himself an outsider. The party expelled him in 2007,
partly because of his nationalist streak. (He made ill-advised xenophobic
videos, which he later came to regret.)
The activist threw his energy into creating a grassroots
anti-corruption campaign, using blogs and YouTube videos to expose the graft
that underpinned Mr Putin’s regime of “crooks and thieves”. His online calls
for protest drew large numbers on to the streets, especially after Russia’s
rigged election of 2011. He was banned from running for the Russian presidency
in 2017, but his videos, watched by millions, continued to make the political
weather.
Mr Navalny spoke of creating “the wonderful Russia of the
future”—free, democratic and unthreatening. His death underscores how far away
that Russia appears.
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